HIBBING, Minn. –
Retired mine worker and lifelong Iron Ranger Dave Zaitz can’t remember
ever voting Republican for president in his life. This year he’s marking
his ballot for Donald Trump.
“I voted
for the other Clinton both times,” said Zaitz, sipping coffee on a
weekday morning at Mr. Nick’s Corner Bar on the main drag of this
struggling small city. “Then he puts in NAFTA, which in my opinion
screwed over a lot of jobs. Now we’ve got the Trans Pacific Partnership —
there’s another one that will just kill jobs.”
Minnesota’s
Iron Range has for decades been a DFL holdout as the rest of rural
Minnesota shifts more Republican, a legacy of organized labor’s deep
roots in taconite country. This year, Hillary Clinton and her DFL allies
are banking that a more sophisticated ground game — one that mimics on a
smaller scale the Democratic candidate’s get-out-the-vote
infrastructure in more heavily contested battleground states — will
trample the appeal of Trump’s protectionist, culturally conservative
campaign message in this economically battered, working-class-dominated
part of the state.
“I know people in my
district are considering Trump,” said state Rep. Tom Anzelc, DFL-Balsam
Township, who’s been knocking on a lot of Iron Range doors recently as
he runs for re-election. “These are people who wouldn’t ordinarily
consider a Republican, much less a man like Donald Trump. But they’re
seeing an economic recovery that they aren’t a part of, and Trump’s idea
of ‘Make America Great Again’ — it appeals to them.”
The New
York businessman’s chances on the Iron Range are a hot topic in
Minnesota political circles. Thousands of mine jobs, which drove family
incomes and fueled local economies, have disappeared in recent decades.
Those still employed in the remaining mines are buffeted by the whims of
the global steel economy, with many hundreds of workers furloughed for
long stretches in the last year.
“Donald
Trump will do very well on the Iron Range,” said Andy Post, spokesman
for Trump’s campaign in Minnesota. “Hillary Clinton is no friend to mining"
But the hard reality for
Trump’s chances in Minnesota is that Clinton almost certainly doesn’t
need to win the Iron Range to nail down Minnesota’s 10 electoral votes.
Like much of rural Minnesota, its population has shrunk in recent years
as many younger residents move to Duluth, the Twin Cities or elsewhere.
“I’m not
saying we are writing off the Iron Range,” DFL Chairman Ken Martin said.
“But you don’t need the Iron Range to win statewide.”
Big
margins of victory in Minneapolis, St. Paul and its suburbs, along with
other regional centers, are key for Clinton if she is to keep Minnesota
in the Democratic column for the 11th straight presidential election.
Still, a Trump win on the
Iron Range — the cities of Hibbing, Virginia-Mountain Iron, Eveleth,
Chisholm and surrounding areas — would be a symbolic blow to the DFL.
And even if Clinton wins the state, a strong Trump showing on the Range
would likely have ramifications for U.S. Rep. Rick Nolan in northeastern
Minnesota’s Eighth Congressional District, and for DFL legislative
candidates in the area.
“There’s
this deep guttural cry over what is really the loss of our relevance as a
political force, this tradition as DFL kingmakers that we’re kind of
watching fade away,” said Aaron Brown, a writer and college instructor
from Hibbing.
A lifelong
DFLer, Brown said he’s been surprised this cycle to hear some of his
older relatives openly toy with voting for Trump.
Economic
anxiety is one driving force in the shift. Robert Vlaisavljevich, the
mayor of Eveleth and a lifelong DFLer, publicly endorsed Trump a few
weeks back mainly because he feels Clinton and Democrats are against
mining. That’s based, he said, on Clinton’s comment in West Virginia
last
May that she would “put a
lot of coal miners and coal companies out of work.” She later
apologized, saying it was a misstatement.
“It wasn’t
a political decision for me. I made an economic decision,”
Vlaisavljevich, who worked in the mines for 17 years, said of his
support for Trump. “I looked at the candidates and said, ‘Who supports
the mining industry?’ ”
Mackenzie
Taylor, Minnesota state director for Clinton’s campaign, said Trump’s
own background makes him a bad fit for working-class voters. Trump “has
always been out for himself and has made a fortune stiffing workers,
scamming veterans and manufacturing products overseas,” she said.
Clinton’s
Minnesota campaign hasn’t put any special emphasis on organizing on the
Iron Range. But her campaign is a partner in the DFL’s coordinated
effort to elect candidates up and down the ballot, which boasts 25 field
offices statewide including several on the Range, and more than 300
people on the payroll.
“We’re
out there every day having conversations with likely voters, knocking
doors and making calls, reaching the people who are going to decide this
election,” Martin said. By contrast, Trump has little organized
presence in Minnesota, and there’s no state GOP counterpart to the DFL’s
joint campaign.
This
mirrors a larger trend nationally. Trump has dozens of field offices in
15 battleground states, but Clinton has nearly 300 such offices in those
same states.
These
mobilization efforts can be critical in presidential elections. It is a
big reason President Obama won two decisive victories over John McCain
and Mitt Romney despite polls that showed much closer races.
On the Range, for those mine workers hardest hit by the recent furloughs, there may be some allegiance to Democrats.
Joe
Fredrickson, vice president of the United Steelworkers Local 6860 in
Eveleth, noted that DFL politicians from Gov. Mark Dayton and the
state’s two U.S. senators down to local legislators, responded to the
furloughs in the last year by pushing for unemployment extensions on the
Range and curbs on foreign steel dumping in the U.S.
“You can’t fake empathy,” Fredrickson said. “People remember.”
But it is
not just economics driving the migration. Political and cultural
polarization also seem to be at work, the inevitable result of the
growing split between Democrats’ diverse, urban-centric base and
Republicans’ growing reliance on rural, white working-class voters.
Zaitz, the retired mine worker at Mr. Nick’s, noted that he voted for
Obama twice thinking a black president would improve race relations. “Instead they got worse,” Zaitz said.
A few
blocks away in a quiet Hibbing neighborhood, 18-year-old Eric Backman
was spending one of the last days of summer vacation hanging out with
his sister, their aunt and a family friend.
“Hillary
is against guns,” said Backman, a high school senior who lives nearby in
Embarrass. “I like to hunt. I like my hunting rifle, and I’m afraid if
she gets into office. I don’t want some military officer coming and
taking my rifles.”
Family friend, Barb Wojciak, jumped in after Backman’s comment about guns.
“I think that is one issue people don’t understand. No one’s going to come take your hunting rifle,” Wojciak said.
A retired
teacher, Wojciak recently plunked down $20 for a Clinton yard sign for
her house. Backman’s aunt, who didn’t want to be named, also bought a
Clinton yard sign.
“We might be the only two in Hibbing so far,” Wojciak said.
I'm beginning to think that Trump is going to win, and win big. The Liberals thought they could win again, too many Americans from all walks of life are pissed, and when they are pissed we don't forget. They pissed off the unions, on mining, the pipelines, etc. Labor has always backed the democrats, Times are changing.
Stay Safe................Rob
Stay Safe................Rob
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